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欧盟的反歧视吉普赛立法举步维艰
日期:2019-04-26

作者:Pınar Sayan 

民族与种族研究,20185

 

在过去几十年中,欧盟正在成为促进人权和民主价值观的先驱。然而,在种族主义、歧视和仇外心理有关的所谓“平等”和“非歧视”领域,欧盟成员国侵犯人权的现象屡见不鲜。尽管欧盟最近采取了所有可能的举措,作为一种种族主义形式,“反吉普赛人主义”仍然是欧盟会员国最具挑战性的人权领域之一。反吉普赛人主义被定义为一个历史性的、持续的、针对“吉普赛”或其他相关术语确定社会群体的传统种族主义行为。

由于欧盟委员会的职权是执行欧盟法律,因此它不能对会员国的个人种族主义案件采取行动。个人种族主义由会员国管辖。委员会只能针对会员国的违规行为采取行动。即使它有能力,它也不会对每一个违规行为采取行动。欧盟委员会需要一些先决条件来采取行动。首先,它必须有能力。例如,它不能对违反第三国公民关于移民问题的行为采取行动,因为人种条例(Race Directive对该问题有限制。第二,它不能针对每一个单一的违规行为采取行动,但必须对正在发生的趋势深信不疑才可行动。第三,即非政府组织NGO的文件和报告,以及由委员会采取行动的裁决。文件不仅是提供持续违规证据所必需的,而且也是有助于其行为合法性的。第四,当委员会认为自己可以有所作为时,它往往会采取行动。考虑到欧盟委员会面临的压力,特别是当它在敏感问题上运用自己的能力时,它不会过度扩张,因此看起来执行力很弱。第五,欧盟专员和会员国总统的个性都很重要。他们必须积极主动,愿意在这些问题上采取行动。第六,会员国必须有政治意愿来解决这个问题。否则,委员会将孤军奋战。最后,委员会似乎也避免对大国家或有影响力的国家采取行动。

因此,欧盟实施反歧视吉普赛人主义的执行机制是非常有限的,且很少被公开,造成了欧洲反吉普赛人主义的猖獗和久拖不决。(摘编翻译:周学文)

 

 

 

       Enforcement of the anti-Racism legislation of the European Union

                             against antigypsyism

 

Ethnic And Racial Studies, May 2018

 

Conclusion

In this research, the aim was to analyse the use of competence of the EU for the antigypsyism cases. It is the European Commission and the ECJ, which have the competence to enforce the EU law. The Commission cannot and/or does not act against any kind of racist, discriminatory, xenophobic situation in the EU. As the competence of the Commission is for the implementation of the EU law, it cannot act on the cases of individual racism. Individual racism is under the competence of the member states. The Commission can only act against the cases of the breaches by the member states.

Even if it has the competence, it does not act against every breach. Thus, the Commission needs some pre-conditions to act. First of all, it has to have competence. For example, it cannot act on the violations against third country nationals about immigration issues as the Race Directive has limitations on that issue. Second, it cannot act against every single breach but it has to be convinced about ongoing trends. This is also related with the third point, which is the documentation by NGOs, reports of the CERD and ECRI, and the ECtHR rulings matter for the Commission to act. The documentation is not only necessary for providing proofs of the ongoing breaches but also for contributing to the legitimacy of its actions. Fourth point is that the Commission tends to act when it feels it can make a difference. Considering the pressure on the Commission, especially when it uses its competences on the sensitive issues, it refrains from overstepping and consequently seen weak. Fifth point is that the personalities of both the Commissioner and the President matter. They have to be proactive and willing to act on these issues. Sixth, there has to be a political will by the member states to target the issue. Otherwise, the Commission is left alone in its pursuit. Lastly, it seems that the Commission also refrains from acting against big or influential states.

The low number of infringement cases on the basis of the Race Directive and no referral to the ECJ also show that the Commission prefers to deal with the issue with other means, which are mostly not open to public. As a result, the EU’s use of the enforcement mechanisms for effective implementation of the anti-racism regime, therefore against antigypsyism, is limited and rarely public. Making the system transparent and public will not only strengthen the Commission’s efforts to deal with the issue, but it will also make it easier for the public to hold member states’ accountable for their actions violating the EU law.

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